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Iraq’s Invisible Refugee Crisis

By , May 12, 2013 10:22 am

As violence in Iraq reaches levels not seen in years, untold numbers of Iraqis are once again seeking refuge elsewhere.

With April the bloodiest month in Iraq for nearly five years, more Iraqis are seeking safety in Jordan (Reuters)

Amman, Jordan – Maki al-Nazzal, a 57-year-old Iraqi from Fallujah, returned to Amman a week ago from a visit to his home city in Iraq. Having lived in Jordan since 2007, Nazzal, like most refugees, wants nothing more than to return to his home country.

He had returned to test the waters, after having to flee in 2007 under threat to his life from having been first an outspoken critic of the US occupation of Iraq, and more recently having been critical of the regime of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.

“When you tell the truth about what is happening in Iraq, this puts you in danger,” Nazzal, a political analyst who has frequently appeared on television, told Al Jazeera. “After two of my sons were arrested in Fallujah, I left Iraq. I had no choice but to leave.”

Nazzal, like so many Iraqis in Amman today, struggles financially. Having no home in Amman, and little if any work, he struggles to get by.

According to UNHCR figures, there are currently 450,000 Iraqis in Jordan.

But what there aren’t figures for, is a growing influx of Iraqis fleeing the increasing violence wracking Iraq.

Fleeing government ‘repression’

“Most everyone in my city in Iraq are now hoping to leave,” a man from Iraq’s western al-Anbar province, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Al Jazeera.

He arrived in Jordan three weeks ago in order to try to make arrangements to bring his family here.

Protests across predominantly Sunni areas of Iraq, which have been ongoing for several months now, have turned violent when security forces of the Maliki government began killing protesters. Ongoing violent crackdowns by the government have led to retaliatory attacks, and violence in Iraq today is worse than it has been in years.

The UN mission in Iraq recently announced that more people were killed in violent attacks across the country in April than in any other month since June 2008, making it the single deadliest month in nearly five years.

The UN figures released this week underscore concerns that security is quickly deteriorating in Iraq, where violence spiked as April drew to a close.

The UN says it recorded 712 people killed last month, including 117 members of the Iraqi security forces. The last time Iraq witnessed this level of violence was between 2006 and 2007, when the country was on the brink of civil war.

“The situation in Iraq is so tense, all of us are on edge,” the man, who asked to be referred to as Ahmed, continued. “There are random arrests, no freedom of speech or opinion, and the security forces are completely politicised. We can’t sleep there because we are so worried all the time. Who can live in a country like Iraq is today?”

The demands of the ongoing protests in Iraq are focused on the tactics being used by the Maliki government against predominantly Sunni areas in Baghdad, and across al-Anbar. It is now well documented that the Maliki government has been engaged in arbitrary detentions, assassinations, and widespread torture and raping of prisoners.

Not only are these demands not being met, but security forces continue to target Sunnis, according to people Al Jazeera has interviewed in Iraq, as well as Jordan.

“Everybody who has a chance to leave are trying to leave,” Ahmed added.

He said that in his city, if anyone has a guest stay the night in their home, they are now required to register this person with the police.

“This is now the government policy in all of Iraq’s western cities, that just happen to be predominantly Sunni,” he said. “Who can live under this kind of repression? This is worse now than even under Saddam Hussein.”

Ahmed said his situation is desperate enough that he is willing to quit his job with the government in Iraq and sell his house there in order to leave, despite knowing that eventually his money will run out in Jordan, and he will be in the same situation as Nazzal.

“Me and my family have been living in such a bad situation these last ten years,” Ahmed, who was visibly exhausted from lack of sleep and stress, said. “We’ve been hoping things would get better, but now they are only getting worse.”

‘Prisoner in my own house’

Al Jazeera spoke with another Iraqi man who had recently arrived in Amman, also on condition of anonymity because he fears government reprisals for speaking to the media.

“I am leaving because I feel like a prisoner in my own house,” the man, who asked to be referred to as Rashid, told Al Jazeera. “Life isn’t life anymore. When arrests and assassinations began and were based on your sectarian identity, I knew it was time to leave. When the gorillas of the Ministry of Interior’s forces came and cursed me for being Sunni, and cursed our women, we knew it was time to leave.”

Last week, three of Rashid’s friends from his home city of Baghdad sold their homes and are moving to Jordan.

“I know so many Iraqis who are now trying to leave,” he added.

An Iraqi man from Ramadi who arrived in Jordan ten days ago came to find housing and work possibilities, because he too fears things will only worsen in Iraq.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, he asked to be referred to as Mohammed.

“I’m confused about what to do, because it’s not easy to consider leaving your home country,” he told Al Jazeera. “We used to live comfortably there, but now we are struggling to survive because of our horrible economic situation, but also because the government forces are attacking us. We used to live with dignity, but year after year it is worse, and now we fear the absolute worst.”

Like Ahmed, Mohammed said that everyone he knows in Iraq who has enough money to leave are leaving for Jordan.

Another huge displacement

At the height of the 2006-2007 bloodshed across Iraq, official UNHCR figures showed 750,000 Iraqis in Jordan, and more than one million in Syria.

While what is happening now is nowhere near that level, Iraqis Al Jazeera has spoken with fear the current trend of displacement will continue to worsen.

“This is another huge displacement of Sunnis,” Mohammed said. “In Baghdad, Anbar, people are coming either to Jordan, or becoming IDPs [Internally Displaced Persons] now.”

Ahmed agreed: “As long as the Maliki regime stays in power, we will be repressed. No human rights, no safety, no respect. Now the border with Jordan is closed, and Syria is obviously not an option, and this scares us even more because we fear a collective punishment and an inability to flee.”

Violence has forced Iraqi political analyst Maki al-Nazzai to remain in Jordan (Dahr Jamail / Al Jazeera)

Ahmed, who continued to hold his head in his hands, and stare out the window often said while lighting another cigarette, continued. “The stress is constant. It’s a stress generated by a constant worsening of the situation, and fuelled by dread of what may come next. A dread of the unknown.”

Nazzal said his fate was no longer in his hands. “I’m asked hundreds of times daily by Iraqis in person, on the phone, and on the internet, what do I think is coming next,” he told Al Jazeera.

“I tell them it’s unknown. It’s in the hands of the international community. But we believe, sooner or later, there will be a major internal war in Iraq that will affect the entire area, and shred the Iraqi social tissue. I can say that at least 85 per cent of all the younger Iraqis I talk to think the situation cannot get better without fighting.”

Mohammed said he too is concerned that “we watch all the Iraqi leaders sending their families out of Iraq, and building their homes in other countries, so what message does this send us? Not a good one. How are we supposed to have any hope?”

‘Better in Baghdad’

Saleh al-Kilani is the refugee affairs coordinator at Jordan’s Ministry of Interior.

Saleh al-Kilani, of the Jordanian interior ministry, advises Iraqis to ‘seek assistance in Baghdad’ (Dahr Jamail / Al Jazeera

“The Iraqi refugee crisis has never ended,” Kilani told Al Jazeera in his office. “Most Iraqis living here are seeking asylum and have no intention of returning to their homes.”

Yet, with the Jordanian government dealing with the monumental task of coping with a massive influx of refugees from Syria, it has little capacity to deal with a fresh wave of Iraqi refugees.

Kilani, when asked what his government is doing about newly arriving Iraqis, did not sound hopeful.

“It’s better for them to seek assistance in Baghdad,” he said.

The International Rescue Committee (IRC), an NGO that is working to assist refugees and IDPs both in Iraq and Jordan, is dealing with the huge number of IDPs in Iraq.

The IRC’s Ned Colt told Al Jazeera that he too is aware of an increasing number of Iraqis again looking to come to Jordan, although was unaware of any official numbers available, given that it is such a new situation, along with being greatly overshadowed by the Syrian crisis.

“We know there are what we call ‘invisible refugees’ who are not registered with UNHCR, so are not receiving any support,” Colt said. “Nevertheless, the refugees coming both from Syria, and those in Iraq coming to Jordan or who are IDPs in their home country, are coming from a traumatising experience into a new experience, and this is obviously extremely difficult for them.”

Dr Mohammed al-Haddad is an Iraqi who fled to Amman in 2006 during the height of the sectarian bloodshed. He now volunteers with the International Relief Development NGO where he works to assist other Iraqi refugees.

“I think it’s safe to say that in the last six months, at least 10,000 Iraqis have come to Jordan from both Iraq and Syria,” Haddad told Al Jazeera. “I didn’t think the sectarianism, that never existed in Iraq before 2003, could get worse than it was in 2006, but now it seems to be doing just that.”

Haddad’s own brother has been missing since 2008, and he fears he is either dead or “in one of Maliki’s prisons”, as he said.

“In Iraq right now I personally know too many Iraqis who are trying to come to Jordan,” Haddad added. “So many of the Sunni there are trying to flee because they fear being killed by Maliki’s forces. It’s a war, and it’s starting to explode, and Maliki is behind this.”

Nazzal is not hopeful about the future of Iraqis who have had to leave their country.

“All of us Iraqis have very limited choices,” he said. “It’s a matter of survival with very limited choices. Our passport is harmful to us because it is nearly impossible for us to get visas anywhere. We stay in Iraq and risk death, or leave and suffer elsewhere. We feel we are being wasted, and for no purpose.”

Dahr Jamail

Iraq to Launch Satellite to Deal with Water Crisis

By , May 2, 2013 6:09 pm

Iraq to Launch Satellite to Deal with Water Crisis

By Omar al-Shaher for Al-Monitor. Any opinions expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Iraq is to launch a satellite at the end of this year as part of a scientific project dedicated to monitoring desertification and water shortages, whose repercussions have cast a shadow over the country for years.

Last week, seven Iraqi ministries held a meeting to discuss procedures for launching and studying the economic feasibility of the project.

Deputy Minister of Communications Amir al-Bayati said:

Members of the high commission for the satellite project, which consists of seven ministries, have discussed the launching mechanism of the project and its economic feasibility, in addition to a well-defined cooperation process between all concerned parties in order to avoid any roadblocks that might stand in the way of completing the project.

Rafed al-Jabouri, the general coordinator of the project, said:

Iraq will accomplish this project in cooperation with the Italian La Sapienza University and an Iraqi team of 15 researchers from three ministries, who underwent space training.

Sources in the Ministry of Sciences and Technology — one of the ministries participating in the project — said that the cost of the project has reached $ 150 million.

Iraq Business News

Lonely year for French president at time of crisis

By , April 28, 2013 1:43 pm

Lonely year for French president at time of crisis
By: ap on: 28.04.2013 [06:59 ] (103 reads)

..

Lonely year for French president at time of crisis
By SYLVIE CORBET | Associated Press – 31 mins ago…
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PARIS (AP) — The sounds of raucous protest echo in the Presidential Palace, unemployment is rising to levels not seen in over a decade, and his country’s economy has been called a potential time bomb at the heart of Europe.

Francois Hollande, among the most unpopular French leaders in modern history, remains calm.

Lacking the early-career charisma of President Barack Obama or the hard-nosed reputation of Germany’s Angela Merkel, Hollande rose to power in the Socialist Party as a consensus-builder — someone who went out of his way to avoid confrontation. But the amiability that propelled him to the presidency a year ago is turning against Hollande, as poll after poll finds deep disappointment among many who believe he is incapable of the swift, determined choices needed to yank France out of a malaise he himself says threatens generations to come.

“I remain solid and serene,” Holland told a handful of journalists in his office at the Presidential Palace, above the shouts of a crowd demonstrating against his plan to legalize gay marriage. Without camouflaging the difficulties, he admitted it’s been a trying year. “I grasp the seriousness — it’s the task of the president to remain steady and to see further than the storms of a moment. It’s called perseverance.”

Judgment, he said in the interview earlier this month, will come only at the end of his five-year term.

But, seated comfortably in his office armchair, Hollande insisted he was anything but indecisive.

“My will is to pull the country together and restore its confidence. This will take time, but I have no other goal,” he said. “You can criticize my decisions, think that I’m on the wrong path, say I’m foundering, but if there’s one thing I’m sure of, it’s that I’ve made major choices for France in the past year.”

He cited the accord reached in January between unions and business leaders to relax some of France’s famously strict labor protections. Hollande had championed the agreement, saying the costs and difficulties of hiring in France were hurting its ability to compete globally. But unemployment has only risen since then, and the brief optimism generated by the agreement — which is expected to become law by next month — has since faded. This week, it reached 10.6 percent, the highest level since 1999.

Hollande talks a lot about the French intervention in Mali, by far his most popular act in office. But, despite Hollande’s best efforts, France was alone among European countries in sending soldiers, and French forces outnumbered any Africans sent to win Mali back from the militants who threatened to seize the entire country.

“I became president at an exceptional time,” said Hollande, who tends to speak deliberately and formally even in relaxed settings. “Exceptional on the economic front: a long crisis, a recession in Europe, unemployment at historic levels. Exceptional because I was forced to engage France in Mali. Exceptional because populism is taking hold, not just in France, but throughout Europe.”

Bernard Poignant, a Socialist who is Hollande’s friend of 30 years and also one of his advisors, said the president started his term at a hugely difficult moment for his leftist base.

“Traditionally the left, when it comes to power, is generous, redistributive of wealth,” he said. “Today, it’s the reverse. The right emptied the coffers and now the left must fill them.”

Economists say that France’s predicament stems neither from the country’s right or left, but from generations of benefits that few politicians are willing to take away. Hollande’s predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy, only half-heartedly tried to raise the work week from 35 hours, then pulled back even before strong opposition emerged.

Hollande cautiously broached the idea of pulling back some of the subsidies that now go to all parents of young children, exempting families who earn high incomes. But the 35-hour work week remains in place, as does the retirement age of 62. Health care remains universal and nearly all treatments are reimbursed at least partially. Hollande has said he will not thin the ranks of government employees. France will remain among the countries with the highest percentage of public workers in the world — about 20 percent of the workforce gets a government paycheck and a government pension.

Hollande was elected as “president normal,” an unassuming contrast to Sarkozy’s flashy, aggressive style, and his dramatic divorce and marriage to the model and singer Carla Bruni. But a year into his term, his amiability has managed to turn most of the country against him, even within his own camp. Numerous Socialist lawmakers are openly speaking against him, for example, for demanding they publish their assets.

The president appears to relish simple, easy contact with the French. He can spend hours happily shaking hands, telling stories, joking. But those moments are becoming increasingly rare.

“He is consumed by his responsibilities, too consumed, in my opinion,” said Poignant. “The political climate is such that the president is becoming the target of protests. We have to protect him for security reasons: It is very difficult for him to be close to the French.”

Only about one in four French approve of the job Hollande is doing, lower than either of his conservative predecessors.

He says he is willing to wait for that to change, describing his five-year term in two phases: things will be very difficult in the first phase, then a return to growth and the Socialist preference toward more government spending. His advisors — and most economists — say privately they don’t expect much good news for France before 2015.

“The French have always turned to the president. He is accountable to them, and that’s as it should be. My actions are measured at this particular moment in our country’s history,” he said. “I remain in control of myself, confident in what I think.”

http://news.yahoo.com/lonely-french-president-time-crisis-062542859.html

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Iraq Struggles to Solve Electricity Crisis

By , April 12, 2013 7:28 pm

(BBC) — Thick clusters of electric wires hang low from tilted wooden poles, winding their way through Baghdad’s alleyways to distribute privately generated electrical power.

It is one of the most common scenes across Iraq’s urban landscapes and seems to reflect much of what is wrong with the country’s electricity sector – crumbling infrastructure, unreliable services, and a tangled web of bureaucracy and corruption.

But all of that will soon be history, according to the Ministry of Electricity.

“Fourteen gas turbine stations are being built in addition to four new ones that are already generating power,” said ministry spokesman Musaab Mudarres.

“We will enter the summer with 12,000 megawatts of capacity, and people will need private generators for only a few hours a day.” Poor maintenance

Many Iraqis pay two bills for electric power – one to the government and another to owners of private generators. Ten years after the war, the power supply still falls short of demand.

The Ministry of Electricity blames other government departments, including the ministries of Planning and Water Resources, for many of its problems.

Mr Mudarres says efforts to install underground distribution lines in urban areas have been delayed because the Ministry of Planning has not provided the necessary maps.

And across Iraq, hydroelectric power plants are operating below capacity because the Ministry of Water Resources has not provided proper maintenance of dams, he says.

But his most bitter complaints are reserved for the Ministry of Oil, which most of Iraq’s power plants rely on for fuel.

Mr Mudarres says poor maintenance of pipelines and delays in developing oil fields have caused gaps in generation at many new plants.

“We understand the pressure they are under, as most of the country’s revenues come from oil exports”, he said. “But we need fuel for our power plants as well.” Importing oil

At the South Baghdad gas turbine power plant, fuel is certainly in high demand. The containers here can store up to five million litres of heavy fuel oil, the thick black residue that remains after crude oil has been refined and other products extracted.

It is used in making asphalt but here, they burn it to power turbines and generate electricity.

“It causes a great deal of pollution, and affects the turbines,” said Rafea Salman, the engineer in charge of the plant.

“We have to switch off our generation units once a week to wash the blades.”

Even worse, heavy fuel oil incurs additional expenses on the plant. Dozens of barrels line the road leading up to the containers. They are full of chemicals needed to treat the fuel so it could be used to power the turbines.

A whole section of the power plant is dedicated to the treatment process, including a lab to test the final product before use.

The plant also uses lighter oil products, but many of these have to be imported because Iraq’s refineries cannot keep up with domestic demand.

“We import around four million litres a day of gasoil from Iran because the Ministry of Oil is not giving us what we need,” says Mr Mudarres.

“It’s a thorny business,” he told me. “There has been a lot of corruption involving the companies contracted to transport the fuel. We used to receive lower quality fuel than what we bought, and in smaller quantities than agreed.” Corruption

In 2012 the Ministry of Electricity decided against renewing the contracts. Now the Ministry of Oil imports the fuel products on behalf of the Ministry of Electricity and delivers them to the power plants.

Does that mean corruption has been eliminated?

“Not necessarily”, he said, “but it wouldn’t have anything to do with us. Committees from the Ministry of Oil are present in every one of our power plants. They are in charge of delivery, and we deal directly with them.”

Some of the problems might be resolved if Iraq started making better use of its natural gas, considered the best fuel for power plants.

But a lot of Iraq’s natural gas is still being flared and production is a long way from meeting demand.

Once again, Iraq turns to Iran for help.

“By the end of June Iran will provide us with 25m cubic metres a day of natural gas to feed three stations,” said Mr Mudarres. Empty promises?

Not all plants need fuel to burn; Iraq is about to experiment with solar and wind energy. The Ministry of Electricity plans to set up generation units in 14 remote areas, many of them along the country’s borders.

The plan would benefit communities that are well out of reach of national distribution lines, and serve as a pilot project.

“We want to test the possibility of expanding renewable energy. The next step would be to increase generation from solar and wind projects to 400 megawatts, or two percent of the energy mix,” said Mr Mudarres.

For years, Iraqi officials have been making promises of drastic improvements in power generation, but few of them have been kept.

The deal to import natural gas from Iran was signed in 2011 but the pipelines have not been completed and no gas has crossed the border.

And some of the plans to increase efficiency in the power sector rely on improvements in the oil sector which are also not guaranteed.

In this context, the new promises seem bold and ambitious.

“By the end of 2013, the crisis will be over for households and we’ll have electric power around the clock across the country. By the end of 2014, we will have met industrial demand as well,” said Mr Mudarres.

As he spoke, Baghdad was still delighting in a cool spring breeze. But it will only be a few more weeks before the unforgiving summer sun beats down on Iraq and people switch on their air-conditioners. As demand peaks, the promises will be tested.

By Rami Ruhayem

Assyrian International News Agency

Lebanon At Crossroads Of Containment and Crisis

By , April 9, 2013 5:57 am

Prime Minister Najib Mikati’s resignation reminds us that certain regional critical junctures or political crises in Lebanon could immediately turn into a national one.

The settlement, or the containment, of a major Lebanese crisis has always been done through an external understanding among key foreign powers brokering a fragile, even temporary, reconciliation between their Lebanese allies or “clients.”

The latter is a major lesson in Lebanese politics. Lebanese are tremendously divided, to the extent of going to war over external issues and alliances.

Good examples of that phenomenon were the policy vis-a-vis the Egyptian regional leadership of Nasser in 1958, the Palestinian revolution in 1975 and the Syrian crisis in 2011. Most of the time, the differences among the Lebanese are defined as identity issues with a persistent sectarian polarization.

Indeed, differences leading to major Lebanese national crises are more driven over external issues than internal ones. Nevertheless, former divisions are reformulated and presented as Lebanese domestic issues.

The American-Egyptian understanding put an end to the civil war in Lebanon in 1958 and brought to power the commander in chief of the army, Gen. Fouad Chehab. The Ryad understanding, later confirmed and legitimized by the Arab League in Cairo in 1976, led to the deployment of the Arab deterrence force which later turned into a Syrian force. The 1989 Taif Agreement brought an end to the civil war in Lebanon. These are three examples of what preceded.

Meanwhile, the increasing sectarianism in Lebanon, fed by the Syrian crisis, is provoking a major problem over which legislative law to adopt before the coming elections in June. To a certain extent, it reshuffled the cards of the political alliances.

Yet, there is a shared fear among the influential external actors, on both sides of the Syrian equation, about the devastating impact of a potential institutional paralysis and state power vacuum in Lebanon. It could drastically affect their interests in light of the chaos in Syria today and the Lebanese uncertainty of tomorrow, despite some internal resistance here and there to form a new government.

This is to be followed by whatever possible agreement on a consensual legislative law to avoid such dangerous paralysis open to the unknown.

Once more, Lebanon is at a crossroads. Will the key opposition forces at home bite the bullet and accept to co-manage a very difficult period of wait and see regarding Syria by avoiding that kind of vacuum and the unknown it embodies, creating a minimal understanding with their external allies — an understanding to avoid a political confrontation that could turn into uncontrolled violence and more destructive tension, with unknown results at home. Or, will they forget the costly lessons of the past, but this time at a much higher price due to the significantly dangerous environment?

The coming weeks will tell which road will be taken.

By Nassif Hitti
AL Monitor

Ambassador Nassif Hitti is a Senior Arab League official, and former head of the Arab League Mission in Paris and permanent observer at UNESCO.

Assyrian International News Agency

Bulgaria’s Labor Perpetually in Crisis

By , April 3, 2013 7:29 am

From the perspectives of trade unions, the reforms in Bulgaria over the last 20 years have been disastrous.

Cross-posted from JohnFeffer.com. John is currently traveling in Eastern Europe and observing its transformations since 1989.

In the early 1990s, I helped put together a delegation on the topic of women and workplace in East-Central Europe. Several U.S. groups invited the delegation to the United States, with support from the German Marshall Fund, to meet with women’s organizations, trade unions, and a variety of Washington-based organizations.

It was not an easy task to identify women for the delegation. Many unions wanted to just pick the participants and didn’t understand my request for several candidates and their CVs. Also, there were two types of unions in the region: former official unions and new unions affiliated in some way with the political opposition. In those days, they didn’t get along very well. The U.S. government, and most U.S. organizations, only worked with the independent unions. So, it was challenging to put together a delegation with representatives of both sides.

I pushed hard to include representatives from the former official unions. As I wrote in a 1993 report, “The former communist trade unions have been doing a reasonably good job of democratizing themselves, and they still command the lion’s share of workers’ support. This despite several years of money and effort on the part of the AFL-CIO and the U.S. government to strengthen the ‘alternative’ unions. Now the international unions are having to adjust their strategies and open doors to the very unions they initially spurned.”

It seemed like the people who might benefit the most from a trip to the United States would be representatives from these former official trade unions. And it would have been educational, to say the least, for U.S. trade unions and government staff to meet with “the other side.” But for a mixture of external and internal reasons, a mixed delegation didn’t happen.

Still, I learned a great deal from my meetings at these former official unions. Some of the best discussions that I had on these topics, for instance, were at the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions (CITUB) in Sofia, thanks to the help of Snezhana Dimitrova who was working with the international affairs division.

Twenty-three years later, I returned to the CITUB building and met in her office. CITUB still owns a big building in the center of Sofia. But whereas many other offices in Bulgaria’s capital have been remodeled and modernized, the CITUB building has none of the fancy furniture and outfitting that USAID recipients enjoy. It looks much as it did during the communist period, though without the bustle or the security. There was no guard in the booth in the lobby on the day I visited, and I pushed through the turnstile without having to announce myself.

Indeed, it has not been an easy time for CITUB. It has seen its membership base decline from 2.5 million to 300,000. However, it is still by far the largest union confederation.

“We no longer have heavy industry in Bulgaria,” Snezhana Dimitrova explained to me as a major reason for the decline in membership. “There are still union members in the big cities, where there is work. Also, it’s very difficult for workers at small enterprises to organize, because they’re afraid they’ll lose their jobs.”

The economic reforms, from a trade union perspective, were largely disastrous. “From 1991, controls on prices were removed and industry was privatized,” she continued. “Collective farms were dissolved. A new constitution was introduced in July 1991. Economic reform started off in the wrong way. For example, agriculture was destroyed. Now they are saying that they made a mistake when they destroyed the cooperatives. They also didn’t privatize the right way. When they privatized and sold off the enterprises and the machinery, we lost many enterprises and many many jobs. The chemical industry, the Kremikovtsi steel complex, heavy industry in general: everything was destroyed.”

We also talked about the relationship between CITUB and the other major trade union organization (Podkrepa), the role of strikes, and the economic prospects for Bulgaria. Economic crisis in Europe? “Here in Bulgaria,”  Snezhana Dimitrova told me, “we say that we are not feeling the crisis because we’ve always been in crisis.”

The Interview

Can you tell me how you got involved in your current work at the union?

After university, I started as a translator in the international department of the  Trade Union School because my languages are Slavic: Czech and Russian. At that time, we had a lot of contacts with trade unions in Slavic countries – Czechoslovakia, Poland, Russia – so I had a lot of work then. After that, I started to learn English, because we had a trade union school with many people coming from Latin America, United States, United Kingdom, Australia. Because I was in the international department, I started to translate English too, but my English is not fluent.

The transformation of society begins with trade unions. We had a lot of contacts with friends in the United States, from Western countries, and we began to have exchanges with them. We had a lot of groups from the West, like British coal miners, who were having a lot of problems with the Thatcher government because it was cutting jobs. It was interesting to work here at that time because of these contacts. There was more freedom. It wasn’t like in the Center of the Communist Party, which was much stricter.

The Institute for Social and Trade Union Research (ISTUR) is a research institute at the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions (CITUB) in Bulgaria. CITUB is the successor to the 100-year union tradition. The Confederation brings together 35 federations, trade unions, and associations and a number of associate members.  The main subject area for ISTUR is to analyze the processes associated with social and economic reforms in Bulgaria in the transition to a market economy and prospects for trade union policy and industrial relations. Research is being conducted at three levels: theoretical, applied and as ordered by public organizations.

The Institute employs 12 researchers representing different specialties: economics, sociology, political science, psychology, and computer science.. ISTUR maintains a network of outside contacts with relevant research institutions, universities, social partner organizations,  state administration, and NGOs. Now we are only 12 people, so I have to do a lot of work. I’m the national coordinator of Eurofound, the librarian of our small collection of books, and I also translate.

CITUB was the only trade union for a long time. And then Podkrepa began in the late 1980s. What was the relationship like between the two union confederations?

Podkrepa started out very well. It was a new trade union. It was accepted by the population as a break from the old. Many of the trade unions in our confederation went over to Podkrepa. I couldn’t say why. We have a very wise leadership here.

I expected one large trade union to emerge here in Bulgaria, but that didn’t happen. All the time we were the largest trade union organization, but of course the membership is not the same as in 1989. We are the better trade union than Podkrepa. I can’t say why they lost their initial advantage. I suppose maybe it’s poor leadership. They had everything. They were new. They were supported by western countries. They received material support.

But we remain the largest. We have about 300,000 members. Podkrepa has 60,000. In 1989, our membership was 2.5 million, because membership was obligatory. All workers had to be members of trade unions.

In the beginning, because CITUB was thinking in terms of the old-style trade unions, the relationship with Podkrepa was not good. Now, with compromises by both sides, it is good. Over the last 10 years, we’ve coordinated our strikes with Podkrepa, and they’ve coordinated theirs with us.

CITUB has proven that it is a new organization with new vision. Our leader is a relatively young man: Plamen Dimitrov.  He started activity in trade unions as Varna district coordinator, executive secretary of CITUB, and vice president of CITUB.

Why has there been such a big decline in union membership?

We no longer have heavy industry in Bulgaria. There are still union members in the big cities, where there is work. Also, it’s very difficult for workers at small enterprises to organize, because they’re afraid they’ll lose their jobs.

Bulgarian workers are losing jobs, and they have lower pay. Compared to other European countries, we are at the bottom in terms of wages. Also, pensions are very small. If pensioners didn’t live with their families, they couldn’t pay for electricity and heating.

As a trade union, CITUB attaches great importance to collective bargaining as an essential tool for the effective protection of the rights and interests of employees. Since 1995, CITUB is a member of the European Trade Union Confederation, which is an institutional partner of the European Commission. Representatives of CITUB participate actively in the work of the European Economic and Social Council.

In Bulgaria, we have many trade union organizations. The labor code defines the criteria for trade union representativeness at national, branch, and sectoral levels. According to this labor code , only Podkrepa and CITUB are national representatives of workers. Other trade union organizations are present only at the enterprise level. They can’t negotiate at the national level. This kind of trade union has no power. Wages more often depend on the ministry, at the national level. Because of that, it is necessary to have a bigger trade union that can negotiate with the ministers. But still, more aggressive and more charming union leaders are appearing at the enterprise level, perhaps because they are not satisfied with either CITUB or Podkrepa.

Have there been a lot of strikes?

There were many strikes, especially between 1991 and 1993. There were meetings, rallies, political strikes, economic strikes. And sometimes the government resigned because of the strikes. After this political turmoil, they strike only for wages, to improve working conditions. They strike because they don’t want to lose their jobs if the enterprise closes. You can read about every strike at Eurofound, where we are the correspondent for Bulgaria. You can read about what happened, the results, and who was the leader, whether CITUB, Podkrepa, or another organization.

Have there been any particularly successful strikes?

The railways wanted to stop increasing wages. They threatened to cut jobs. Both CITUB and Podkrepa negotiated with the management. We had a strike. Now the railways make reforms but without cutting jobs, and they even increased the wages a little bit.

How would you evaluate the economic reforms that have taken place here in Bulgaria?

From 1991, controls on prices were removed and industry was privatized. Collective farms were dissolved. A new constitution was introduced in July 1991. Economic reform started off in the wrong way. For example, agriculture was destroyed. Now they are saying that they made a mistake when they destroyed the cooperatives. They also didn’t privatize the right way. When they privatized and sold off the enterprises and the machinery, we lost many enterprises and many many jobs. The chemical industry, the Kremikovtsi steel complex, heavy industry in general: everything was destroyed.

Sold to whom?

Most enterprises were sold to domestic buyers. But Balkan Airlines was sold to foreigners and then closed down. We are now without an airline. We had access rights in airports in London, Vienna, Paris. But we’ve lost those rights. I fly now only with Turkish airlines. 

Are there any positive signs economically?

They are now developing the tourist industry. And agriculture has started again. The agricultural produce grown here is a hundred times better than what we are buying from Macedonia, Greece, and Turkey.

Are there positive signs for growth in union membership?

There is no potential for growth. This is normal, not to be a big organization. It’s better to be a strong organization, to organize people whether they are members or not. If we negotiate something for a branch, the deal is valid for all people working in the branch, not just the members of trade union organizations. It’s better to give all the people the possibility to increase wages and not just your trade union members. It’s easier at the national level to negotiate with the minister to increase the wages for all branches, for all enterprises.

Where would you put CITUB along the political spectrum?

Normally, trade unions are closer to the left wing. But here in Bulgaria, I couldn’t say. First, the trade union supported the economic reforms, and the reforms were made by the right wing. That meant that we supported the right-wing party. But then CITUB decided to be an independent trade union and not to support a particular party. Now, the union supports the party that has programs similar to ours in terms of economic development, wages, and jobs. Now we support the party that wants to increase wages and create new jobs.

All parties are the same. They implement only a small part of their programs. Most people don’t believe in the parties. Only the people on the left and the right vote for particular parties. Most people don’t vote. They don’t know whom to choose.

The current government is popular. The leader speaks with ordinary people. He makes jokes. Women like him: not me, but other women.

How do you evaluate the future prospects for Bulgaria?

I can’t see anything positive. Most young people want to work abroad. For example, the young people who win the medals from math or science Olympiads, when they return to Bulgaria, they get offers from American or British universities to study there. And they agree immediately, without thinking that they could study and work here.

A friend of mine told his children to stay where they are. One is in Belgium, the other in France. Mothers don’t want their children to come back here: because it is difficult to get a job, especially a job with a good salary, even for people who are educated. As for people in the villages, there aren’t any jobs, good or otherwise.

What about foreign investment?

Everybody knows that it’s good to attract foreign capital. We have no capital. We are not a rich country. Only the trade unions can protect the rights of workers in this situation. If foreign investors want to cut jobs, the trade unions negotiate how many and and under what conditions. We negotiate so that they pay six months of wages, and we make sure that pensioners get their pensions.

Can you explain the pension situation here?

The minimum retirement age in Bulgaria has been increased by 4 months as of Sunday, January 1, 2012, as part of a controversial retirement reform package. The same measure will be applied on the first day of each of the upcoming several years until the retirement age in Bulgaria reaches 65 years for men and 63 for women. Up until the new pension reform was approved in December 2011, Bulgaria’s retirement age was 63 years for men and 60 years for women.

There are three kinds of pensions: the government pension fund, an obligatory fund for people born after 1960, and private pension funds. In terms of the private pension fund, you can pay into this fund for an additional pension. The employer can also pay for an additional pension to the worker, particularly if the trade union negotiates this arrangement. In the beginning, this private fund was interesting because it was very new. It was also important because the government pensions in Bulgaria were very low. The trade union believed that it was important to have this additional pension, especially if the employer was paying into it.

What kind of international cooperation do you now have at CITUB?

For instance, at ISTUR we are working with Turkish trade unions with women in trade unions there on career development. This project, led by Italians, has EU funding, and we participate as lecturers.

How do you feel about Bulgaria’s own membership in the EU?

I am optimistic about Europe. I still think that membership is a good thing. But I think that most people here had high expectations that wages would increase automatically and everything here would be closer to the living standard for Europe. That didn’t happen, so they are disappointed.

We lost our former markets in the region. Russia was a big market. It accepted everything that we produced. Now with the EU, we can’t sell them our products in the same way. So, it’s quite difficult.

People in Europe talk about the economic crisis. But here in Bulgaria, we say that we are not feeling the crisis because we’ve always been in crisis.

Sofia, September 27, 2012

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Greece to avoid crisis with Turkey over gas claims

By , March 24, 2013 6:20 pm

Greece to avoid crisis with Turkey over gas claims
By: GÖZDE NUR DONAT, ANKARA on: 24.03.2013 [10:35 ] (116 reads)

Greece to avoid crisis with Turkey over gas claims

24 March 2013 /GÖZDE NUR DONAT, ANKARA

Despite Greece’s ramped-up efforts to lay claim to a vast amount of potential oil- and gas-rich maritime territory in the Aegean Sea, experts say the country, struggling with an economic crisis of its own, will not risk falling into another relations crisis with Turkey.

Panagiotis Andrikopoulos, a researcher at the department of international relations at İstanbul’s Kadir Has University, said there is a huge need for money in Greece right now and that hydrocarbon reserves would be quite valuable, with current estimates putting their worth at 100 billion euros ($ 130 billion).

Andrikopoulos remarked that although this may be enough to redeem the EU member state from its debt crisis, oil exploration in the Aegean is not something simple process.

“The last thing Athens wants right now is a crisis with a neighboring country like Turkey. The same goes for Turkey. While Greece suffers from a vast domestic crisis Turkey is entangled in external crises,” said Andrikopoulos, hinting at the Syrian conflict to Turkey’s south in remarks to Sunday’s Zaman. News reports have claimed cash-strapped Greece has been encouraged by its eastern neighbor’s preoccupation with the two-year Syrian crisis, which has meant an ever-growing security threat and a refugee influx for Turkey, due to its timing for heating up the issue with a series of public statements both home and abroad.

Earlier in March, Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras broached the topic with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in a meeting in İstanbul where he called on Turkey to respect Greece’s rights under international law.

Greece has also recently taken the issue to the UN. On Feb. 20, Greece sent a diplomatic note to the UN outlining its opposition to Turkey licensing the Turkish Petroleum Corporation (TPAO) for hydrocarbon exploration in the east Mediterranean, saying the area where TPAO exploration is set to take place overlaps with Greece’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and the continental shelf. Turkey denied Greece’s claims in a subsequent note to the UN, saying the licenses granted to TPAO since 2007 are confined to areas within the Turkish EEZ and continental shelf. Ankara strongly rejects any Greek attempt to extend its territorial waters from the current six nautical miles to 12. Tensions peaked in the 1990s when Greece ratified the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). As a measure to counter any Greek declaration that its territorial waters extend up to 12 nautical miles, Parliament officially declared that any Greek unilateral attempt in line with this assertion will be considered a casus belli for a Turkish response.

Seda Kırdar, a research fellow with the Ankara-based Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV), explained that Turkey would not be bound by the UNCLOS agreement because it is not a signatory. Kırdar suggested that in a small sea like the Aegean, “a fair solution” respect the rights of both countries, rather than adherence to strict rules, would be a framework preferred by international organizations as well. Bestami Sadi Bilgiç, an expert on Turkey-Greece relations and lecturer at the department of international relations at Altın Koza University in Ankara, says Greek’s declarations on the issue are nothing but “small talk,” brought out in order to shift the focus from the deepening economic crisis to a tried-and-true issue, namely a quarrel with Turkey.

The emphasis on bilateral economic cooperation between Turkey and Greece during Samaras’ visit was significant, with a total of 25 agreements across many sectors inked between the two countries. “A Greek politician that gives such a clear message of friendship to Turkey risks his or her political career,” said Bilgiç. As such, he continued, Samaras had to counterbalance the message of solidarity with reaffirmation of Greece’s “rights in the Aegean based in international law. Bilgiç asserted that Greece would not run the risk of a quarrel with Turkey on the issue. “Such a move would require armament, and they are certainly not in a condition to take those measures. They wouldn’t risk messing with Turkey,” he said.

Bilgiç maintained, however, that the issue will remain in its status quo for the near future, as no real political will from the Greek side exists for negotiations with Turkey, and as Turkey will not abandon its EU bid in the short- or medium-term. “Greece will continue to put forward its ‘rights’ in the Aegean as a precondition for future support for Turkey’s EU bid, and Turkey will not abandon its efforts toward EU accession. Greece has played that the EU card firmly in regards to Turkey,” Bilgiç remarked.

LINK

www.iraq-war.ru (en) RSS feed for articles and news

Greece to avoid crisis with Turkey over gas claims

By , March 24, 2013 3:37 pm

Greece to avoid crisis with Turkey over gas claims
By: GÖZDE NUR DONAT, ANKARA on: 24.03.2013 [10:35 ] (98 reads)

Greece to avoid crisis with Turkey over gas claims

24 March 2013 /GÖZDE NUR DONAT, ANKARA

Despite Greece’s ramped-up efforts to lay claim to a vast amount of potential oil- and gas-rich maritime territory in the Aegean Sea, experts say the country, struggling with an economic crisis of its own, will not risk falling into another relations crisis with Turkey.

Panagiotis Andrikopoulos, a researcher at the department of international relations at İstanbul’s Kadir Has University, said there is a huge need for money in Greece right now and that hydrocarbon reserves would be quite valuable, with current estimates putting their worth at 100 billion euros ($ 130 billion).

Andrikopoulos remarked that although this may be enough to redeem the EU member state from its debt crisis, oil exploration in the Aegean is not something simple process.

“The last thing Athens wants right now is a crisis with a neighboring country like Turkey. The same goes for Turkey. While Greece suffers from a vast domestic crisis Turkey is entangled in external crises,” said Andrikopoulos, hinting at the Syrian conflict to Turkey’s south in remarks to Sunday’s Zaman. News reports have claimed cash-strapped Greece has been encouraged by its eastern neighbor’s preoccupation with the two-year Syrian crisis, which has meant an ever-growing security threat and a refugee influx for Turkey, due to its timing for heating up the issue with a series of public statements both home and abroad.

Earlier in March, Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras broached the topic with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in a meeting in İstanbul where he called on Turkey to respect Greece’s rights under international law.

Greece has also recently taken the issue to the UN. On Feb. 20, Greece sent a diplomatic note to the UN outlining its opposition to Turkey licensing the Turkish Petroleum Corporation (TPAO) for hydrocarbon exploration in the east Mediterranean, saying the area where TPAO exploration is set to take place overlaps with Greece’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and the continental shelf. Turkey denied Greece’s claims in a subsequent note to the UN, saying the licenses granted to TPAO since 2007 are confined to areas within the Turkish EEZ and continental shelf. Ankara strongly rejects any Greek attempt to extend its territorial waters from the current six nautical miles to 12. Tensions peaked in the 1990s when Greece ratified the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). As a measure to counter any Greek declaration that its territorial waters extend up to 12 nautical miles, Parliament officially declared that any Greek unilateral attempt in line with this assertion will be considered a casus belli for a Turkish response.

Seda Kırdar, a research fellow with the Ankara-based Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV), explained that Turkey would not be bound by the UNCLOS agreement because it is not a signatory. Kırdar suggested that in a small sea like the Aegean, “a fair solution” respect the rights of both countries, rather than adherence to strict rules, would be a framework preferred by international organizations as well. Bestami Sadi Bilgiç, an expert on Turkey-Greece relations and lecturer at the department of international relations at Altın Koza University in Ankara, says Greek’s declarations on the issue are nothing but “small talk,” brought out in order to shift the focus from the deepening economic crisis to a tried-and-true issue, namely a quarrel with Turkey.

The emphasis on bilateral economic cooperation between Turkey and Greece during Samaras’ visit was significant, with a total of 25 agreements across many sectors inked between the two countries. “A Greek politician that gives such a clear message of friendship to Turkey risks his or her political career,” said Bilgiç. As such, he continued, Samaras had to counterbalance the message of solidarity with reaffirmation of Greece’s “rights in the Aegean based in international law. Bilgiç asserted that Greece would not run the risk of a quarrel with Turkey on the issue. “Such a move would require armament, and they are certainly not in a condition to take those measures. They wouldn’t risk messing with Turkey,” he said.

Bilgiç maintained, however, that the issue will remain in its status quo for the near future, as no real political will from the Greek side exists for negotiations with Turkey, and as Turkey will not abandon its EU bid in the short- or medium-term. “Greece will continue to put forward its ‘rights’ in the Aegean as a precondition for future support for Turkey’s EU bid, and Turkey will not abandon its efforts toward EU accession. Greece has played that the EU card firmly in regards to Turkey,” Bilgiç remarked.

LINK

iraqwar.mirror-world.ru (en) RSS feed for articles and news

New Iraqi Budget Deepens Housing Crisis

By , March 22, 2013 3:59 pm

New Iraqi Budget Deepens Housing Crisis

By Omar al-Shaher for Al-Monitor. Any opinions expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

The strenuous efforts exerted to handle the housing crisis were quickly rendered useless when the ratified 2013 general budget did away with the allocations for the housing fund, which was to grant loans for those wishing to build new homes.

The Iraqi parliament ratified the 2013 general budget on March 7 after a heated debate among involved parties regarding the share allotted to the semi-autonomous Kurdistan region. The budget did not include any housing allocations, which were held back until an increase in oil revenues is seen.

The housing fund is set out by the Ministry of Construction and Housing. The biggest real-estate funding body in Iraq, with a capital of one billion Iraqi dinars ($ 900 million), the housing fund was established specifically to solve the housing crisis.

The fund grants zero-interest loans in monthly payments with a ceiling of $ 30,000 for those wishing to build a private home in the Iraqi capital. Should the construction take place in other provinces, the loan limit drops to $ 25,000. The 2013 budget stipulated that allocations for this fund would come from the surplus in oil revenues, instead of from fixed budget lines.

This surplus, however, is not expected to be reached until the middle of the next fiscal year, which means that the fund will not receive any money in the coming months.

Director-general of the fund Burhanuddin Bassam affirmed that the fund would not accept new loan applications from any of Iraq’s provinces. He stressed that the available money could only cover the payments due to applicants who had already registered.

Iraq Business News

Iraq PM Warns of Syria Crisis Spillover

By , February 28, 2013 2:33 am

Iraq’s prime minister has warned that a victory for rebels in the Syrian civil war will create a new extremist haven and destabilise the wider Middle East, sparking a sectarian war in his own country, a civil war in Lebanon and a division in Jordan.

Nouri al-Maliki stopped short of voicing outright support for Syrian President Bashar Assad’s embattled regime.

But his comments in a wide-ranging interview with The Associated Press on Wednesday marked one of his strongest warnings yet about the turmoil that the collapse of the Syrian government could create.

“If the world does not agree to support a peaceful solution through dialogue … then I see no light at the end of the tunnel,” al-Maliki said.

“Neither the opposition nor the regime can finish each other off,” he continued. “The most dangerous thing in this process is that if the opposition is victorious, there will be a civil war in Lebanon, divisions in Jordan and a sectarian war in Iraq.”

Iraq has tried to maintain a neutral stance toward the civil war in Syria, saying that the aspirations of the Syrian people should be met through peaceful means.

Washington has criticised Baghdad, however, for doing too little to stop flights suspected of carrying Iranian arms to Syria from transiting Iraqi airspace.

Al-Maliki emphatically denied aiding the arms transfers: “Not to the regime and not to the opposition. No weapon is being transferred through Iraqi skies, territories or waters,” he said.

The Iraqi leader’s comments come as his government confronts growing tensions of its own between the Shia majority and an increasingly restive Sunni minority nearly a decade after the US-led invasion of Iraq.

‘Sunni-Shia strife’

The war in Syria has sharp sectarian overtones, with predominantly Sunni rebels fighting a regime dominated by Alawites, an offshoot of Shia Islam.

Assad’s main allies are Shia Iran and the Shia group Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Hezbollah leader Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah also warned on Wednesday against sectarian infighting in Lebanon related to the Syrian civil war.

“There are some who are working night and day and pushing the country toward civil and religious strife, and specifically Sunni-Shia strife,” Nasrallah said on the group’s Al-Manar TV.

If this were to happen, he said, it would “destroy everyone and burn down the entire country.”

Nasrallah denied accusations by the Syrian opposition that members of the group were fighting alongside forces loyal to the Assad regime, and reiterated that some Shia in villages along the Lebanese-Syrian border, including Hezbollah members, have taken up arms in self-defense against Sunni gunmen.

http://www.aljazeera.com

Assyrian International News Agency