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Obama Administration Reveals Deep Divisions on Syria Policy

By , February 20, 2013 11:35 pm

Though President Barack Obama has been reticent to involve his administration too deeply in the Syrian uprising, revelations over the past week have shown near-unanimous agreement among the president’s top national security advisors for greater military intervention.

A New York Times story last week uncovered a strategy by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and CIA Director David Petraeus to directly involve the U.S. in arming and supporting the Syrian rebels, in order to have a more direct influence on the course of events in the war-torn country.

The following week, during congressional testimony on the Benghazi embassy attacks, former Secretary of Defence Leon Panetta and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Martin Dempsey both professed similar support for the idea of arming Syrian rebels. Director of National Intelligence James Clapper is also said to have backed the plan.

The revelations paint a very different picture from the official narrative of the Obama administration, which has remained publicly sceptical of the idea of providing weapons to unknown militant groups operating in Syria.

The proposals put in front of (Obama) don’t have a plan about how to get out, or if things don’t go according to plan. They don’t outline in any way how America is going to win, or achieve its goals.

“The U.S. long ago accepted the strategy of supporting insurgents as a way to counter the Assad regime or at least to appear to be doing something about Syria,” Leila Hilal, director of the Middle East Task Force for the New America Foundation, told IPS.

“Even if full-scale military support was not mobilised earlier, steps were taken to allow others to arm rebels. The indirect approach failed to turn the conflict and undermined the revolution.”

Foreign policy analysts have jumped to widely different conclusions about the disparate opinions of the president on one hand, his senior national security staff – the secretary of state, the secretary of defence, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, and director of the CIA – on the other.

Writing for the Council on Foreign Relations, Elliott Abrams refers to the president’s decision as “tragically wrong”, and states that “one cannot escape the conclusion that electoral politics played a role” in ignoring the advice of his national security team.

Joshua Landis, associate professor at the University of Oklahoma and proprietor of the widely-read blog Syria Comment, disagrees.

“Obama doesn’t seem to agree with the prevailing interests in Washington, and the way they want to formulate our Middle East policy,” he told IPS.

Landis claims that instead of being influenced by the cabinet’s push for more involvement, “that’s a driver for him for staying out of Syria, because he knows powerful interests will quickly weigh in if we get involved there. He doesn’t seem to trust our Middle East policy-making apparatus.”

Pressed further on the question, General Dempsey clarified later in the week that he supported arming the Syrian opposition “conceptually”, noting that “there were enormous complexities involved that we still haven’t resolved.”

The interventionists’ plan was further undermined by a study within the CIA itself, where a team of intelligence analysts concluded that the influx of U.S. arms would not “materially” affect the situation on the ground.

Landis also cautioned that “the proposals put in front of (Obama) don’t have a plan about how to get out, or if things don’t go according to plan. They don’t outline in any way how America is going to win, or achieve its goals.”

Little is known about the current state of U.S. involvement in the two-year Syrian uprising, which may have claimed the lives of over 60,000 Syrians. Senior White House officials have repeatedly expressed concern that increasing the arms supply to the Syrian rebels may result in weapons falling into the “wrong hands”, a concern exacerbated by the influx of foreign fighters in Syria.

As Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants have risen in the ranks of the armed Syrian opposition – partially due to better financial backing, equipment, training, and experience in Iraq/Afghanistan – it has become increasingly difficult to disentangle such groups from other opposition elements.

Even the very same cabinet members who have vocally supported arming the Syrian opposition have expressed grave reservations about the increasingly extremist inclinations of the rebels. Hillary Clinton herself has warned that “the opposition is increasingly being represented by Al-Qaeda extremist elements,” a development she considers “deeply distressing”.

“You can always vet, but can you make the people you like win?” asked Landis. “I’m sure we know people we like, but the problem is, can you make them winners?”

Thus far, Washington’s efforts to marginalise militant Al-Qaeda groups have largely backfired. After the U.S. designation of Jubhat Al-Nusra, the largest Al-Qaeda-linked fighting group in Syria, as a foreign terrorist organisation, most of the Syrian opposition leadership jumped to their defence.

Moaz Al-Khatib, the titular head of the Syrian opposition’s main coalition, the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, immediately defended Jabhat Al-Nusra’s role in the uprising as “essential for victory”.

Nevertheless, Washington has been covertly supporting rebel groups for well over a year, with “non-lethal aid”, intelligence, and other unknown means.

The recent statements by Clinton and Panetta, therefore, still reveal little about the actual relationship between the White House and the Syrian rebels.

President Obama openly criticises the idea of armed assistance but has been silently supporting the rebels, while his administration’s liberal interventionists who have openly called for a more militant role have also expressed grave reservations about the ideology and direction of the very people they hope to arm.

These varied opinions and perspectives leave the door open for any number of policies toward Syria.”No one has taken any option off the table in any conversation in which I’ve been involved,” said Dempsey.

Nevertheless, Landis thinks a more militaristic approach in Syria is unlikely.

“Clearly…the people Obama has tried to put forward, all of his appointees, are not in favour of a muscle-bound Middle East policy and are not in favour of more military involvement,” he said. “They’re consistent with his overall plan, which is not to get involved with Syria, not to start a war with Iran.”

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As the Assad Regime Struggles, Syria’s Sectarian Divisions Widen

By , July 21, 2012 6:14 am
Posted GMT 7-20-2012 23:44:4

At the latest Syrian opposition conference, new divisions emerged between Kurdish representatives and other opposition parties that are known for their extreme positions regarding the Kurds. At the top of these parties is the Coalition of Arab Tribes, whose representatives were against using the term “Kurdish people” in the conference’s documents.

This was not the first time that the Kurdish delegation withdrew from the Syrian opposition’s meeting to protest the stances of certain Arab parties on the Kurdish issue. In previous months, there were two similar withdrawals in Istanbul.

These withdrawals are not related to a lack of trust between the parties or to any possible hidden agendas. As Syrian Arabs are fighting their second battle for independence, Kurds are also considering their chances to become independent for the first time. Since decades ago, corrupt and rigid dictatorships blocked or continue to block every ray of hope for new changes in Syria and in other countries of the Arab Spring. The greedy mafia families that are in power seem oblivious to their people’s worries. In their own countries, Arab peoples want to replace these regimes with flexible democracies and pluralistic systems.

From a national point of view, the Kurds do not suffer from such conditions. For Kurds, Arab rulers are the same: one ruler follows the other — regardless of whether they seize power by force or are elected by their people. It is true that Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, who succeeded Saddam Hussein, is a Kurd and that there are no official obstacles that could prevent a Kurd from becoming the president of a democratic post-Assad Syria. However, the majority of the people in Iraq, Syria, Turkey and Iran are not Kurdish. The bottom line is, the Kurds will not find genuine comfort and cannot satisfy their national aspirations without an independent Kurdish state. Several other nations that similarly separated from the Ottoman Empire a century ago have their own independent state now.

Based on the Kurds’ historic experiences, they are aware that establishing their own national state is not just contingent on the major challenge of overcoming the objections of the majorities in the concerned countries, but also on the ever-changing international balance of power. Yet what seemed impossible for the Kurds to achieve during the last century is possible today. Years ago, several independent states emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The autonomous Kurdish entity Northern Iraq was established and the world recognized the independence of Kosovo and other countries that were part of the former Republic of Yugoslavia. South Sudan (officially the Republic of South Sudan) also became an independent state last year.

For Kurds — specifically Syrian Kurds — the Syrian revolution is the best opportunity in history for fulfilling their dream of independence. This is particularly due to the strategy that Assad’s regime has been using toward the people’s peaceful revolution. Since the onset of the revolution, the Syrian regime has responded by shedding blood, detaining rebels and imposing an absurd level of oppression. Assad’s regime has also intended to worsen the civil unrest that was fabricated by the same regime for decades. Moreover, it succeeded in causing several sectarian communities to worry about the repercussions of the regime’s downfall. Most importantly, the Syrian regime managed to tie the Alawites’ fate to its own, as well as marginalize the majority of the Christians and Kurds.

The position held by the Syrian Christians is similar to that of the Kurds, as both are minorities in the revolution. The Christians believe that if Assad is gone, he will just be replaced by another Muslim president. They will always constitute a minority community, and their population-growth rate is gradually decreasing. This is because of the Syrian Christians’ active emigration and because they have a lower birth rate than the Muslim communities.

What about the Sunnis? Well, it is hard to analyze their situation in view of their united stance regarding the current situation in Syria. This is natural as Sunnis constitute the largest community in the Arab country. However, we can deduce a typical position in this community, even though it may not encompass the majority’s position. It can be summed up as follows: The regime has been governing for four decades under national, communist and revolutionary ideologies, which turned out to be invalid. We have been governed as if we were a sectarian minority. Therefore, the Syrian revolution provides Syrian Sunnis with an opportunity to restore their “normal” state: Sunnis are the majority and thus Sunnis should be the ones in power.

This scenario is more likely to take place for the aforementioned communities than for other religious movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists. We do not know the exact extent of these movements’ power in Syria, but we do know that the Muslim Brotherhood’s influence has dwindled since the promulgation of the fascist Law No. 49 in 1980. This law led to the execution of followers of organizations like the Muslim Brotherhood. Since the onset of the Syrian revolution, the Muslim Brotherhood’s followers outside of Syria have been keen on regaining their social influence.

As for the Salafists, they are a divided and unorganized movement, and contain divided elements that the Syrian regime exploited to execute terrorist attacks in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq. Since the Syrian revolution, this group became part of the Syrian opposition. Salafists now play a crucial role in nurturing the revolution and fighting against the regime’s ferocious and oppressive tactics. The Islamic Liberation Party has gained ground during this revolution after it survived several intense assaults at the turn of the century.

Syrians are expecting this revolution to yield new changes and end Assad’s regime. As Arabs long for freedom and dignity, Kurds are pinning their hopes on achieving their own national independence. As for the sectarian minorities, they are fearful of new changes in the ruling power. As for the Sunnis, they long to return to power and recover their “natural right” to rule. While the poor dream of a fairer distribution of wealth, the rich look forward to the replacement of the communist system with a liberal regime.

This is a simplified outline of the situation that overlooks certain grey areas. However, the grey areas are what we need the most in Syria today, because such areas form a platform for a new national identity in which the Kurds, Christians and Alawites will no longer be seen as a minority, and where the secular and sectarian communities and the higher and lower social categories will be able to live together.

www.al-monitor.com

Assyrian International News Agency

As the Assad Regime Struggles, Syria’s Sectarian Divisions Widen

By , July 21, 2012 6:14 am
Posted GMT 7-20-2012 23:44:4

At the latest Syrian opposition conference, new divisions emerged between Kurdish representatives and other opposition parties that are known for their extreme positions regarding the Kurds. At the top of these parties is the Coalition of Arab Tribes, whose representatives were against using the term “Kurdish people” in the conference’s documents.

This was not the first time that the Kurdish delegation withdrew from the Syrian opposition’s meeting to protest the stances of certain Arab parties on the Kurdish issue. In previous months, there were two similar withdrawals in Istanbul.

These withdrawals are not related to a lack of trust between the parties or to any possible hidden agendas. As Syrian Arabs are fighting their second battle for independence, Kurds are also considering their chances to become independent for the first time. Since decades ago, corrupt and rigid dictatorships blocked or continue to block every ray of hope for new changes in Syria and in other countries of the Arab Spring. The greedy mafia families that are in power seem oblivious to their people’s worries. In their own countries, Arab peoples want to replace these regimes with flexible democracies and pluralistic systems.

From a national point of view, the Kurds do not suffer from such conditions. For Kurds, Arab rulers are the same: one ruler follows the other — regardless of whether they seize power by force or are elected by their people. It is true that Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, who succeeded Saddam Hussein, is a Kurd and that there are no official obstacles that could prevent a Kurd from becoming the president of a democratic post-Assad Syria. However, the majority of the people in Iraq, Syria, Turkey and Iran are not Kurdish. The bottom line is, the Kurds will not find genuine comfort and cannot satisfy their national aspirations without an independent Kurdish state. Several other nations that similarly separated from the Ottoman Empire a century ago have their own independent state now.

Based on the Kurds’ historic experiences, they are aware that establishing their own national state is not just contingent on the major challenge of overcoming the objections of the majorities in the concerned countries, but also on the ever-changing international balance of power. Yet what seemed impossible for the Kurds to achieve during the last century is possible today. Years ago, several independent states emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The autonomous Kurdish entity Northern Iraq was established and the world recognized the independence of Kosovo and other countries that were part of the former Republic of Yugoslavia. South Sudan (officially the Republic of South Sudan) also became an independent state last year.

For Kurds — specifically Syrian Kurds — the Syrian revolution is the best opportunity in history for fulfilling their dream of independence. This is particularly due to the strategy that Assad’s regime has been using toward the people’s peaceful revolution. Since the onset of the revolution, the Syrian regime has responded by shedding blood, detaining rebels and imposing an absurd level of oppression. Assad’s regime has also intended to worsen the civil unrest that was fabricated by the same regime for decades. Moreover, it succeeded in causing several sectarian communities to worry about the repercussions of the regime’s downfall. Most importantly, the Syrian regime managed to tie the Alawites’ fate to its own, as well as marginalize the majority of the Christians and Kurds.

The position held by the Syrian Christians is similar to that of the Kurds, as both are minorities in the revolution. The Christians believe that if Assad is gone, he will just be replaced by another Muslim president. They will always constitute a minority community, and their population-growth rate is gradually decreasing. This is because of the Syrian Christians’ active emigration and because they have a lower birth rate than the Muslim communities.

What about the Sunnis? Well, it is hard to analyze their situation in view of their united stance regarding the current situation in Syria. This is natural as Sunnis constitute the largest community in the Arab country. However, we can deduce a typical position in this community, even though it may not encompass the majority’s position. It can be summed up as follows: The regime has been governing for four decades under national, communist and revolutionary ideologies, which turned out to be invalid. We have been governed as if we were a sectarian minority. Therefore, the Syrian revolution provides Syrian Sunnis with an opportunity to restore their “normal” state: Sunnis are the majority and thus Sunnis should be the ones in power.

This scenario is more likely to take place for the aforementioned communities than for other religious movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists. We do not know the exact extent of these movements’ power in Syria, but we do know that the Muslim Brotherhood’s influence has dwindled since the promulgation of the fascist Law No. 49 in 1980. This law led to the execution of followers of organizations like the Muslim Brotherhood. Since the onset of the Syrian revolution, the Muslim Brotherhood’s followers outside of Syria have been keen on regaining their social influence.

As for the Salafists, they are a divided and unorganized movement, and contain divided elements that the Syrian regime exploited to execute terrorist attacks in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq. Since the Syrian revolution, this group became part of the Syrian opposition. Salafists now play a crucial role in nurturing the revolution and fighting against the regime’s ferocious and oppressive tactics. The Islamic Liberation Party has gained ground during this revolution after it survived several intense assaults at the turn of the century.

Syrians are expecting this revolution to yield new changes and end Assad’s regime. As Arabs long for freedom and dignity, Kurds are pinning their hopes on achieving their own national independence. As for the sectarian minorities, they are fearful of new changes in the ruling power. As for the Sunnis, they long to return to power and recover their “natural right” to rule. While the poor dream of a fairer distribution of wealth, the rich look forward to the replacement of the communist system with a liberal regime.

This is a simplified outline of the situation that overlooks certain grey areas. However, the grey areas are what we need the most in Syria today, because such areas form a platform for a new national identity in which the Kurds, Christians and Alawites will no longer be seen as a minority, and where the secular and sectarian communities and the higher and lower social categories will be able to live together.

www.al-monitor.com

Assyrian International News Agency

Condi Rice Rumor Reveals Divisions in Romney Camp and on the Right

By , July 19, 2012 8:05 pm

Condoleezza Rice gets mixed reviews from Republicans these days.Well, we now have some idea of what it was about Condoleezza Rice’s appearance at the exclusive Romney fundraiser in Utah that got the Presidential candidate’s supporters’ juices going and thus attracted the major media’s attention. Turns out somebody recorded her remarks and judging by the poor audio quality of the version on the Internet it was probably done surreptitiously.

On July 13, Buzzfeed.com posted a 13-minute audio clip of the speech. 

Up until now the reports on what Rice said at the confab have come from what are called surrogates. It is quite clear that their testimonies were stage managed and designed to create a media stir. According to Buzzfeed, one person said he “was surprised by the red meat rhetoric employed by Rice, who has largely eschewed the political arena in recent years, devoting her time instead to an academic career at Stanford. “She’s either very worried about a socialist threat to America, or she wants to be Vice President,” the surrogate said.

Of course, Rice has consistently said she not interested in being a candidate but as soon as a Drudge Report—citing other unnamed surrogates—suggested she was “near the top” on Romney’s list of potential running mates, the speculation took wings. It could have been a real trial balloon. The Republicans have a problem; opinion polls indicate no enthusiasm for any of the other names that have been thrown into the hat. It has been suggested that the whole hullabaloo was concocted to divert public attention from the unfolding story about the former Massachusetts governor’s days as head of Bain Capital. That could be, but the remarks Rice made in Utah are also a window into the foreign policy views that turn rich Republicans on these days.

With Romney standing at her side while she spoke, Rice told the suits that the Obama presidency has been a failure, and in a period of “dangerous, chaotic times,” has led to an international crisis. She accused the current administration of displaying weakness on the world stage, engaging in class warfare, and employing failed economic policies at home.

According to Buzzfeed the comments that got her the first standing ovation were about the domestic situation. “It is a narrative that is being pushed by our current president, that ‘I’m doing poorly because you’re doing well,’” she said. “That has never been the American narrative. Ours has never been a narrative of aggrievement, and ours has never been a narrative of entitlement.” 

Later, Rice declared, “It is time for all of us, in any way we can, to mobilize, get our act together, and storm Washington D.C.” That got the audience on their feet again.

The theme of Rice’s remarks on foreign policy centered on attacking the President’s unwillingness to more forcefully assert U.S. power, his refusal to ascribe to “American exceptionalism” the way she says Romney has, and her charge that Obama has allowed U.S. policy to be “governed by the lowest common denominator collective will of the so-called international community of the United Nations.” 

“What we’re feeling most is not just that tumult, we’ve been through tumult before,” Rice said. “What we’re feeling is the absence of American leadership.”

“When our friends aren’t certain that they can count on us — and they aren’t so certain now — and when our foes don’t fear us or respect us, this is what you get: tumultuous, dangerous chaotic times,” 

Rice was part of the group of foreign policy hawks known of as “The Vulcans” that advised George W. Bush during his campaign and went on to form a core group in his Administration, herself as National Security Adviser, and later Secretary of State.

Condoleezza Rice will not be the next vice-president of the U.S. She won’t be the party’s nominee. (But, she could be positioning herself – or is being positioned – for a place in a possible Romney administration.) While the idea of her on the ticket drew some favorable comment from some members of the Republican establishment, including rightwing hawk William Kristol of the Weekly Standard, the suggestion elicited howls from much of the right. Most of it has centered on her position on reproductive rights and immigration where she and Romney are not on the same page. Some of it relates to her association with the foreign policy of the Bush Administration, something the Romney campaign tries to avoid discussing.

Meanwhile, the idea of Rice on the ticket drew some flak from another quarter – supporters of the policies of the Israeli government. Morton Klein, the national president of the Zionist Organization of America and a frequent critic of the Obama administration, sounded a similar note. He was quoted by the Jewish Telegraph Agency this week as saying. “It understandably would be concerning to us if he’s picking somebody who shows herself to be hostile to Israel and to U.S.-Israel relations.” Klein, who often criticized Rice when she was secretary of state, continued, “She pressed Israel to make one-sided concessions while not making sure the Palestinians fulfilled their obligations.”

“Choosing Condoleezza Rice would inject tremendous excitement into the campaign and remove all suspense from the outcome,” conservative columnist George Will said on ABC‘s “This Week” last Sunday. “You would have such an uproarious convention in Tampa. You’d have perhaps a third party. You’d have a challenge to her on the floor. You’d have walkouts of delegations, and he’d lose 40 states.”

On his very rightwing RedState blog Erick Erickson called the notion of Rice on the ticket “silly,” adding, “I don’t know who is hitting the crack rock tonight in the rumor mill, but bull shiitake mushrooms.”

On some of the further out rightwing Internet outlets the language used to reject a Rice candidacy have been – how do you put this? –well, outright racist.

On the other hand, even as it became clear she would not be selected vice-presidential candidate, the Boston Herald endorsed her, reporting that she had been a “superstar” at the Utah moneybags gathering.  Noting Rice’s comment about the alleged absence of U.S world leadership, it said editorially, “That is at the heart of what has gone seriously wrong with American foreign policy and rarely has it been articulated so boldly and succinctly.”

The editors of The Independent in Britain took the Rice rumor seriously, editorializing on the subject July 15, and warning that, “She also has political baggage, both as the adviser who told Bush Sr. not to back Ukrainian independence, and as National Security Adviser in the run-up to the Iraq war. Raising such ghosts may do the Republican cause more harm than good.” The newspaper concludes, “Condi is an interesting suggestion; but she is absolutely the wrong choice. Unless, of course, one is a Democrat.”

Carl Bloice, a member of the National Coordinating Committee of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, is a columnist for the Black Commentator. He also serves on its editorial board.

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