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Allawi: Demonstrations Won’t Stop Unless Maliki Resigns

By , May 14, 2013 8:52 pm

Allawi: Demonstrations Won’t Stop Unless Maliki Resigns

By Ali Abel Sadah for Al-Monitor. Any opinions expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Iraqiya List leader and former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi said that the protests in the Iraq provinces that are home to a Sunni majority won’t stop unless Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s government resigns, thus paving a way for a reduced government to be formed to organize early general elections in which its members cannot participate.

During a meeting with a number of Iraqi journalists at his house in the upscale neighborhood of Harthiya in Baghdad, Allawi said, “Maliki did not listen to our advice concerning the need to heed the demands of the demonstrators and attempt to implement as many as possible.” He pointed out that Maliki “went in the opposite direction and described the protesters as terrorists and Baathists.”

Allawi, a secular politician of Shiite roots, heads a list led by mostly Sunni politicians. In 2004, he served as head of the government in the framework of an agreement sponsored by the United States.

“Maliki told us that he has to listen to and contain demonstrators, but instead he described them as terrorists and Baathists, and he even attacked the demonstration squares with arms,” Allawi said.

Allawi believes that the demonstrations will not stop “as long as Maliki is in power.” He said, “The government should resign in order to form a reduced government that can oversee early elections without allowing its members to participate in these elections,” adding, “The second track of the solution may be the return to the Erbil Agreement and the achievement of a prompt partnership.”

Iraq Business News

Why Maliki Must Go

By , May 3, 2013 12:00 am

NOBODY wants another civil war in Iraq, yet events are propelling it in that direction. War can be averted only by a new political understanding among three main groups — Sunni Arabs, Shiite Arabs and Kurds — but Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki has become too divisive to deliver it.

So the United States, together with Iraq’s neighbors, must press Mr. Maliki to resign so he can be replaced with a more conciliatory figure.

Last week, Iraq experienced the most serious escalation of violence since 2006, when it slid into civil war. Now it risks being sucked into a catastrophic vortex of regional violence centered on Syria.

America, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Jordan and the Persian Gulf states have a rare, deeply shared interest in preventing another civil war that would benefit only militant extremists.

Iraq’s first civil war developed after decades of authoritarianism, warfare and devastating sanctions destroyed Iraqi society, and after the 2003 American invasion dismantled the Iraqi state without a plan for swift reconstruction. The power vacuum let sectarian tensions, latent in the long-brutalized population, explode. But by 2007 and 2008, Iraq was putting itself back together; the United States helped Sunnis battle extremists in their midst and supported Mr. Maliki, a Shiite, as he suppressed radical Shiite militias. Only by putting their trust in the political process, and turning against the extremists in their own communities, did Iraqis stem the violence.

But if Mr. Maliki, who took office in 2006, had a successful first term, he has squandered the opportunity to heal the nation in his second term, which began in 2010. He has taken a hard sectarian line on security and political challenges. He has resisted integrating Sunnis into the army. He has accused senior Sunni politicians of being terrorists, hounded them from power and lost the cooperation of the Sunni community. The result: the political bargain that had sustained the fragile Iraqi state broke down.

Today, resurgent terrorist groups have killed hundreds of moderate Sunnis who once fought them, and are offering others a grim chance to save their lives — by “repenting” and joining the extremists.

Meanwhile, Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi, a Sunni, remains in exile, having fled and then been given a death sentence in absentia on charges of terrorism. Similar moves to charge Finance Minister Rafe al-Essawi, a moderate Sunni, led to the protests that have now engulfed Iraq’s Sunni heartland and alienated other communities. An army attack on a protest encampment last week brought only wider violence.

Relations between Mr. Maliki and Iraqi Kurds, who are largely self-governing, also rest on a knife’s edge after a year in which territorial disputes almost led to military confrontation. Even as the Kurds deployed security forces to the disputed region of Kirkuk, they negotiated for concessions from the Maliki government. This week, Kurdish sources reported the signing of a new deal, but after all the broken promises there is little reason to think it will last.

Given the two-year-old Syrian civil war escalating next door, a sectarian crisis and political collapse in Iraq would be a disaster at the worst possible time. It would blur the boundaries between the two conflicts, bring additional misery to Iraq and pose enormous challenges for Iraq’s neighbors and the United States.

That specter is so frightening, it just might be possible to stave off — if Iraq’s neighbors and the United States can recognize, and decisively act on, their shared interest in maintaining Iraq’s stability and territorial integrity. Iran and the United States, despite their deep divisions over the Syrian government and the Iranian nuclear program, can cooperate quietly, as they did in 2001 against the Taliban in Afghanistan. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey could lend their strong voices; they, too, want good relations with a stable, prosperous Iraq, and have their hands full aiding Sunni rebels in Syria.

It is true that Iran supported militants in Iraq to frustrate the American occupation, but the withdrawal of American troops has changed such calculations. Now, in Iraq, Iran has a market for its goods and a friend to relieve its isolation. For its part, the United States is less concerned about Iran’s current role in Iraq than about the possible empowerment of extremist militants during a civil war.

If all of these countries could persuade Mr. Maliki to resign, it would give moderate Sunnis a symbolic victory and dampen extremist influence in their community. That, in turn, could show all Iraqis that change can be achieved through politics, rather than war.

Iraq’s parliamentary democracy could survive a resignation. It is normal for a prime minister to step down and be replaced by another figure elected by Parliament. There are other capable Shiite politicians who could recruit and lead a national-unity government.

A decade after Saddam Hussein’s fall, violence threatens to overwhelm Iraq. Getting Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey to cooperate with the United States on a new political bargain there, with Mr. Maliki out of the picture, won’t be easy, but it’s essential to save Iraq.

By Nussaibah Younis
New York Times

Nussaibah Younis is a research fellow in the international security program at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School.

Assyrian International News Agency

A Third Maliki Govt – What would it Mean?

By , April 17, 2013 7:01 pm

A Third Maliki Govt – What would it Mean?

By Padraig O’Hannelly.

Iraqis go to the polls on Saturday in the first elections since the withdrawal of US troops at the end of 2011. While these provincial elections are important in themselves, they may also serve as a barometer of public satisfaction with the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.

But the real decision on Maliki’s future will be made in the parliamentary elections in early 2014, and it looks increasingly likely that moves to restrict the prime minister to two terms in office will not make it through the courts in time to limit his ambition to head up a majority government.

If Maliki was to win a third term in office, without having to reach compromises with other parties, what would that mean for Iraq, and more specifically, for business in Iraq? Third terms are not generally noted for their success, with the incumbents often running out of steam, but would the added power of majority, were it to happen, be enough to reinvigorate the ruling party? Or are the current checks and balances, provided by his coalition partners, all that stands between Maliki and full autocratic control?

We hope to get some indication of the public’s mood in the coming days.

Iraq Business News

Maliki Seeks ‘Majority Government’ In Iraq

By , April 12, 2013 7:18 pm

Maliki Seeks ‘Majority Government’ In Iraq

By Mushreq Abbas for Al-Monitor. Any opinions expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki seemed confident that he will achieve “a landslide victory” in the local elections on April 20. His confidence was apparent in the statements he made while campaigning for his State of Law coalition. He called for “early elections” from which will emanate a “majority government” that will grant him a “third term.”

Maliki’s electoral proposals reveal the nature of Iraq’s political divide. He said, “The political process has entered into the recovery room. Relations between our partners was based on disruption, which necessitates early elections that will draw a new political map to revive the country…Security and development will not be achieved unless there is political stability, which is achieved by forming a majority government…What exists now is not a partnership, but quotas, and this is very harmful to the political process as long as there is no political majority that supports the local and federal governments.”

Maliki, who is both the prime minister and head of the State of Law coalition, had previously called for a “majority government” by asserting that his coalition will win “a majority of the seats in all Iraqi cities.” He also asserted that his opponents’ attempts to prevent his nomination for a third term as head of government (2014-2018) were “desperate” and “unconstitutional.”

What is said during electoral campaigns is not normally given a lot of weight, but in the very complex and deteriorating political situation in Iraq, campaign statements tend to reveal the nature of the crisis and the proposed solutions.

Maliki’s opponents believe that a “majority government” implies a sectarian majority composed of Shiites that will exclude the Sunnis and Kurds. They also wonder that since Maliki has monopolized power despite the agreements he struck with his partners and despite their presence in government, what would happen if his political party was allowed to monopolize the cabinet? They also find it problematic that Maliki is insisting on a third term as a prime minister who controls all the executive authority, while dozens of laws that limit the prime minister’s powers are being stalled. Maliki’s opponents are trying to set term limits for the premiership. They have presented a law in that regard to the Constitutional Court. Sources say that the court will reject that law.

Iraq Business News

Maliki Puts Kurds on Spot Over Oil Payments

By , March 11, 2013 11:35 pm

Through the ratification of the Iraqi Public Budget Law for the year 2013 in parliament based on the principle of “majority” rather than “consensus” — amid a Kurdish boycott of the parliamentary session — it seems that Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has put difficult choices before the Iraqi Kurds, which may manifest in the coming days.

The Iraqi parliament approved on Thursday [March 7] the country’s general budget of $ 119 billion. The session was boycotted by Kurdish deputies, and had been delayed for weeks due to several disagreements, most notably over the payments of foreign oil companies operating in the Kurdistan region.

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has asked the Iraqi government to pay the remaining dues of foreign companies, estimated at about $ 4.5 billion, while the federal government has only agreed to pay $ 750 million.

The dispute erupted in September 2012, after the Iraqi government paid around 650 billion Iraqi dinars [$ 558 million] out of 1 trillion [$ 858 million] owed, on condition that the Kurdistan region would produce 250,000 barrels of oil daily. Payment of the remaining dues was delayed, with the Iraqi government providing various excuses, prompting the Kurdistan region to stop the export of oil from the region’s wells through the Turkish Ceyhan line.

As soon as the federal budget law for this year was approved, the KRG announced its rejection of many sections of the law. It noted that the political parties that approved the law based on the principle of majority have overlooked the proposals and observations made by the Kurdistan region on the budget law, violated the rights of the people of Kurdistan and aborted the principle of national consensus and genuine partnership in power.

The KRG pledged to take all possible legal and constitutional action against this attempt, which aims to harm the interests and lives of the citizens of Iraqi Kurdistan.

The presidency of the Kurdistan region described the manner with which the budget law was passed as marginalization of a key component, a supposed founding partner of the political process and rebuilding the state, and a major ethnic group in determining the future of the country.

The position of the presidency of Kurdistan came after President of the Kurdistan Region Massoud Barzani called for an urgent meeting of all members of the Kurdish bloc in the government and parliament in Erbil to discuss the issue.

A presidential statement declared that “in a remarkable step that reinforces division in the Iraqi national ranks and monopoly of political power and the country’s leadership, the federal budget was passed by the State of Law coalition led by Maliki without taking into consideration a major nationalist point of view.”

The Kurdistan presidential statement adds: “As we are forced to take this position, which is open to all options, we hold the State of Law coalition, Maliki, and their collaborators responsible for what might ensue, and possible positions and developments.”

Maliki has put the Kurds in a difficult position in the face of foreign companies operating in the Kurdistan region, which are demanding their dues after having waited for a long time, especially since they had been promised by the KG that it would resolve its legal differences with Baghdad.

The KRG has so far signed 50 contracts with foreign companies, which have invested $ 15 billion to $ 20 billion in oil exploration and production in the region. However, these companies cannot export oil without the consent of Baghdad or use it in any way because the company in charge of oil export is the Iraqi Oil Marketing Organization(SOMO), and returns go to the Iraqi fund.

The proportion of the general budget allocated to the Kurdistan region is over 15 trillion Iraqi dinars [$ 12.9 billion] for 2013, according to the 17% quota set for it within the Iraqi public budget. Should the KRG pay the due payments to foreign companies, it would lose half the budget. This would also put the Kurdistan region in an unnecessary financial quandary as it seeks more development and reconstruction.

Oil analyst and expert Wajid Shaker says that the federal government’s procrastination in paying the dues of foreign companies will force the Kurdistan region to pay the amount from the returns of oil being produced in oil wells in Kurdistan.

He told Al-Monitor: “I suppose that the Kurdistan region will take a position. The way to deal with the situation will be based on the KRG’s decision. However, I believe that [the KRG] is able to export oil and pay the dues of foreign companies.”

Last year, the KRG exported crude oil from wells in Kurdistan via Turkey, but in small amounts and without the consent of Baghdad, saying it adopted this plan to fill the shortage in oil derivatives after the Iraqi government stopped providing it with them, especially since the existing refineries in Kurdistan are unable to process the quantities needed by the local market.

Sources indicate that the Iraqi government’s insistence on not paying the dues of foreign companies operating in the Kurdistan region is a step it took to force these companies to stop signing contracts with the Kurds, despite the government’s constant warnings directed at these companies.

Shaker said that this would not prevent companies from coming to the Kurdistan region because they are carefully examining the issue: “Big companies like ExxonMobil and Chevron have legal and technical departments that correspond to the governmental technical departments in Iraq. They also have fields worldwide and enjoy a prominent status in the world of oil. They have studied the issue, know their interests and can obtain their rights.”

Shaker added, “It seems that the Kurdish position so far is limited to threatening to withdraw from the government headed by Maliki, then withdrawing from the political process in the country. In the final stage, [the Kurds] might adopt a tougher stance, the details of which the Kurdish leaders are withholding, since it is early to do that.”

While Kurdish political analyst Abdul-Ghani Ali Yahya said in an interview with Al-Monitor that “the ratification of the Iraqi budget for 2013 by the Iraqi parliament, despite a boycott by the Kurdish bloc, contradicts the principle of consensus that has dominated political life in Iraq, albeit on a small scale, and will inevitably lead to the majority government advocated by the State of Law coalition, which is opposed by the Kurds and Sunnis.”

He added: “By ignoring the demands of the Kurdish bloc regarding the budget, unlike the other blocs, the ethnic conflict in Iraq will only deepen. Moreover, other Kurdish demands will be ignored in the future and create a sense of injustice and discrimination among them.”

The KRG announced in a statement that it will take legal and political action against the budget ratification, which was done without its approval. Yahya said: “What the Kurds can achieve is economic quasi-independence. However, their success depends on the responsiveness of the international community, particularly Turkey and the West.” He added, “Any solution to the ongoing conflict between the two governments and among Iraq’s social components will not be without the division of Iraq and the establishment of three states that are Shiite, Kurdish and Sunni.”

Kurdish MP Chuan Mohamed of the Barzani-led Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) said: “The Iraqi government must deal with the Kurds as the second component, and our proposals and opinions must be taken into consideration. We believe that what we were subjected to regarding the budget is tantamount to a genocide of the people of Kurdistan.”

By Abdel Hamid Zebari
AL Monitor

Assyrian International News Agency

Rift Deepens Between Maliki and Nujaifi

By , February 21, 2013 4:29 pm

Rift Deepens Between Maliki and Nujaifi

By Ali Abel Sadah for Al-Monitor. Any opinions expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Following an attempt by Iraqi parliament speaker Osama al-Nujaifi (pictured) to restore the dismissed head of the Justice and Accountability Committee to his post, in a clear challenge to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, Maliki’s supporters are seeking to oust Nujaifi.

Nujaifi recently ordered that Falah Shanshal resume his position as the head of the Justice and Accountability Committee, a day after his dismissal by Maliki.

Al-Monitor was able to secure a copy of an official press statement titled “Directive” in which Nujaifi stated that the “election of Shanshal and his deputy Bakhtiar Omar by the members of the Justice and Accountability Committee was legal. The committee is exclusively associated with the parliament.”

Maliki and Nujaifi have been fighting over the power to supervise independent committees including the Judicial Council, the Justice and Accountability Committee, the Electoral Committee and the Human Rights Committee.

Both parties exchanged accusations of politicization and using the committees for personal purposes. Maliki’s opponents argue that he is exerting tremendous efforts to maintain control over the committees.

Nujaifi’s decision to reassign Shanshal, a leading member of the Sadrist movement, not only defies Maliki but also reflects the chaos endemic within Iraqi state institutions.

Maliki dismissed Shanshal following the decision to remove Chief Justice Midhat al-Mahmoud in accordance with the de-Baathification law. The State of Law coalition regards this decision as political targeting.

Iraq Business News

Iraq’s Maliki: Assad Could Hold on for Years

By , February 10, 2013 12:43 pm

(Reuters) — Syrian President Bashar al-Assad could survive two more years of revolt despite U.S. expectations of a more imminent fall, Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki was quoted as saying on Saturday.

Maliki, a Shi’ite Muslim, is seen as close to Assad’s main ally Iran, but has been careful not to express support for either the Syrian leader, fighting a rebellion since early 2011, or the predominantly Sunni opposition.

In an interview in Cairo with the Saudi-owned, London-based Asharq al-Awsat, Maliki said U.S. President Barack Obama, Vice President Joe Biden and former secretary of state Hillary Clinton had told him Assad would fall “within two months”.

He did not say when he had spoken to them.

Maliki said Assad would not fall “even after two years.”

“I know Syria very well,” he said, adding that Assad’s minority Alawite sect would fight alongside other minority groups against rebels, which include Sunni Islamist militants.

Iraq has been mired in sectarian strife for 10 years and Baghdad fears the rise of a hardline Sunni government in Damascus could upset its own fragile security.

Reporting By Angus McDowall; Editing by Matthew Tostevin.

Assyrian International News Agency

Protests Surge in Iraq’s Sunni Regions, Testing Maliki

By , February 2, 2013 5:12 am

Fallujah, Iraq — In Iraq’s vast western Anbar province, anger over arrests by Iraqi security forces and government neglect has prompted spreading protests that pose the biggest challenge to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki since the country’s 2006-2007 sectarian war.

On Friday in Fallujah and Ramadi, hundreds of thousands of men held Friday prayers on the main highway instead of in the mosques. The peaceful demonstrations, the biggest in Anbar Province since Saddam Hussein was toppled, were called to commemorate the killings of at least seven protesters by Iraqi soldiers a week ago. Tens of thousands of demonstrators turned public squares into prayer grounds in Mosul, Samarra, Baquba, and other Sunni communities and cities.

The Anbar demonstrations began in December, with protesters demanding an end to perceived targeting of Sunni Muslims after the arrest of the Sunni finance minister’s bodyguards on terrorism charges. But it is the arrests of dozens of Iraqi women that have infuriated many in this fiercely tribal area. That anger has spread to Sunni areas in Baghdad and to provinces farther north, and both Al Qaeda in Iraq and mainstream political figures have been quick to join the fray.

The Al Qaeda umbrella group, the Islamic State of Iraq, appealed to Sunnis this week to arm themselves against the Iraqi government and security forces. Hard-line Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr on Thursday, meanwhile, threatened to withdraw cabinet ministers from Mr. Maliki’s coalition government if the protesters’ demands weren’t met.

The unrest in Iraq’s Sunni-majority provinces is spurred by the belief that Iraqi security forces, particularly elite units answering to the prime minister, are being used to indiscriminately arrest and torture young Sunni men under the guise of counterterrorism operations. As calls for Maliki to step down have intensified, the combination of political opposition and unrest on the ground has raised the specter that both Maliki’s Shiite-led government and Iraq as a unified country might not survive.

‘We came out for the sake of women arrested and to defend the oppressed,” says Abdul Qadar Falah at a now six-week-old sit-in in Ramadi that has blocked the main highway to Jordan. “We had 19 demands before but now we have only one — to bring down Maliki.”

Common experience of arrests

At a protest in Ramadi on a recent day, almost everyone in a group of more than a dozen young men had either been arrested or had relatives in jail. Many of them said they had been tortured — a practice human rights organizations say is widespread in Iraq.

Almost all their stories had an undercurrent of the religious strife that had been thought to be essentially extinguished since it tore Iraq apart during the civil war, mirroring warnings from Iraqi officials that sectarian sentiment is rising again.

“They raided our house in the middle of the night last week,” said Qahtan Hamad from Tarmiyah, a mostly-Sunni area outside Baghdad. “The officer told my mother: ‘Why do you stay here –aren’t you afraid the Shiites will come and murder you?’ She told him, ‘We’ve been living together for the last 25 years, Sunnis and Shiites.’”

Mr. Hamad said he and three other families left their homes and their land the next morning to take refuge with relatives in Ramadi.

Unnamed informants

In Iraq, suspects can be arrested on the basis of unnamed informants and sentenced to death on the basis of a confession, which human rights groups say are commonly obtained through torture.

“They arrested me and my brother,” says another young man who asked that his name not be used. “The officer said, ‘I will torture you if you don’t admit you attacked checkpoints.’ ” He said he was hung from the ceiling with his hands cuffed behind him, beaten and shocked with electric cables. The young man, who had scars on his wrists and ankles, says they were released, but his brother was re-arrested and is still in prison.

While Maliki has survived more than a year of attempts by Kurdish, Sunni, and even Shiite political parties to engineer a vote of no confidence in him, the unrest on the ground appears to have provided an opportunity for his many political enemies.

Iraq’s parliament just passed a term limits law that would prevent Maliki from running again next year. While the law is unlikely to be upheld in court, the ability of an often-deadlocked parliament to muster enough votes to pass it was an indication of how much opposition the prime minister faces, even among his coalition partners. Although the government has demonstrated a remarkable ability to withstand crisis, not since its civil war has it faced the combination of political turmoil and unrest on the ground.

“I think everything is wide open,” says Juan Cole, a leading analyst on Iraq and a professor at the University of Michigan. “The other big question is, if Damascus falls and if we had a strong Sunni government in Syria, what would that do to the dynamic in Iraq.… I think it’s really in the hands of Iraqi politicians whether they can heal and come together or, ironically enough, come to a Biden sort of situation.”

US Vice President Joe Biden was widely criticized in Iraq for suggesting while he was a senator that the country might be better off split up into Sunni, Shiite, and Kurdish territories.

Prisons full of innocent young men?

In recent protests in Anbar, Nineveh, Diyala and Salahaddin provinces, demonstrators have demanded an end to a sweeping antiterrorism law used to detain and execute prisoners, reform of de-Baathification laws that have disproportionately left Sunnis unemployed, and the release of female prisoners — a particularly volatile issue in Iraq’s conservative tribal areas. They say prisons are full of innocent young men.

“They just create accusations against them and torture them until they confess…. They brought in women and said ‘your wife is here — we’re going to rape her,’ ” says Firas in Fallujah, speaking of a cousin in Kathamia prison in Baghdad who he says was forced to confess to a bombing.

Maliki’s limited overtures so far fall far short of what protesters are demanding. While announcing an amnesty for all male and female prisoners not accused of terrorism, he has also invoked security concerns, saying that Al Qaeda, former Baathists, and regional intelligence agencies were behind the recent violence, provoking the Army to open fire on demonstrators.

On the same day as the fatal demonstration in Fallujah, unknown gunmen killed at least two Iraqi soldiers at checkpoints near the city — a frequent target of insurgents.

Governor: protesters have legitimate rights

After the US-led invasion, Anbar Province became synonymous with Al Qaeda in Iraq. Its fighters seized control of Fallujah while the organization set up safe houses and supply routes in the desert near Syria.

At the provincial headquarters in Ramadi, Gov. Qassim Abid Hammadi says talk of Al Qaeda here is vastly exaggerated.

“Ninety-five percent of the protesters have legitimate rights,” says the governor. “The others include maybe 1 percent Al Qaeda, maybe 1 percent who do not know what they are doing, maybe 1 percent of people from other countries who are trying to damage things — but the majority of the protesters, they have rights.”

Officials here are grappling with how to revive cities badly damaged by fighting by fighting here during the war. On the highway near the city, a sign advertises the construction of Ramadi’s new “five-star hotel” due to be completed next year. Mr. Hammadi, a German-educated engineer, has plans for more than 1,000 projects worth more than $ 500 million this year but the unrest makes the goal of prosperity and stability even further out of reach and adds to the despair here. Anbar Province’s porous border with Syria is another concern.

The Iraqi government has been so afraid of the spillover of fighting from Syria that it temporarily closed the borders in January. A separate and rare closing of the border with Jordan was done to prevent fighters and weapons from coming from that country, according to a senior official.

Hammadi rejects Iraqi government accusations that other countries are responsible for the unrest in Anbar.

“I don’t think this is the major factor,” says the governor. “There is interference from Turkey, from Syria, from Saudi Arabia — this is normal. If you open your doors, anyone can come from anywhere, but the major factor is in Iraq — we have to find a way how to live together, how to cooperate, how to understand each other. This is the major part — the other is the minor one.”

By Jane Arraf
Christian Science Monitor

Assyrian International News Agency

Iraq Parliament Votes to Keep Maliki From Seeking New Term

By , January 27, 2013 6:05 pm

BAGHDAD — In the bloody aftermath of street protests that turned violent on Friday in Falluja, Iraq’s Parliament passed a law on Saturday intended to prevent Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki from seeking a third term.

The parliamentary move was the latest threat to Mr. Maliki’s hold on power and reflected rising anger among rivals over his leadership, but it appeared unlikely that the law, which would need to approved by Iraq’s president, would ever go into effect.

Mr. Maliki’s coalition in Parliament boycotted the vote, and an official close to the prime minister called it unconstitutional and vowed to appeal to the federal courts, which on paper are independent but in practice bend to Mr. Maliki’s will.

Sami al-Askari, a lawmaker from Mr. Maliki’s coalition, said the law would “not see the light of day” because, he said, it is unconstitutional. “We are not worried about the vote on this law,” Mr. Askari said.

The vote came after weeks of protests in the Sunni-dominated province of Anbar resulted in violence on Friday, when the Shiite-led government’s security forces opened fire, leaving at least seven protesters in Falluja dead.

Dueling scenes that played out on Saturday — the hundreds of mourners who hoisted the coffins of dead protesters in the streets of Falluja and the lawmakers in Baghdad who cast votes in an attempt to limit the power of the prime minister — encapsulated the prevailing features of Iraqi public life after the long and costly American war: sectarianism, violence and political dysfunction.

Both events nudged Iraq further along the path of political instability before provincial elections in April, which will be the first test of Iraq’s fragile democracy at the voting booth since the departure of American forces at the end of 2011.

On Saturday, a curfew that had gone into effect on Friday in Falluja was lifted and, as the army withdrew from the city, one soldier was killed by sniper fire and another was wounded, according to a security official in Anbar. As mourners in Falluja shouted, “The blood of our people will not be lost in vain,” protesters set fire to an army checkpoint.

During the clashes on Friday, two soldiers were killed, and later three off-duty soldiers were kidnapped by gunmen and remained missing on Saturday, according to The Associated Press.

Mr. Maliki earned his second term as prime minister after a divisive political struggle and inconclusive elections in 2010, and it is not clear if he intends to seek a third term in 2014, when the next parliamentary elections are scheduled.

Last year, rivals unsuccessfully sought to oust Mr. Maliki from power through a vote of no confidence in Parliament.

By Yasir Ghazi and Tim Arango
New York Times

Yasir Ghazi reported from Baghdad, and Tim Arango from Istanbul.

Assyrian International News Agency

Iraq Parliament Votes to Keep Maliki From Seeking New Term

By , January 27, 2013 6:05 pm

BAGHDAD — In the bloody aftermath of street protests that turned violent on Friday in Falluja, Iraq’s Parliament passed a law on Saturday intended to prevent Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki from seeking a third term.

The parliamentary move was the latest threat to Mr. Maliki’s hold on power and reflected rising anger among rivals over his leadership, but it appeared unlikely that the law, which would need to approved by Iraq’s president, would ever go into effect.

Mr. Maliki’s coalition in Parliament boycotted the vote, and an official close to the prime minister called it unconstitutional and vowed to appeal to the federal courts, which on paper are independent but in practice bend to Mr. Maliki’s will.

Sami al-Askari, a lawmaker from Mr. Maliki’s coalition, said the law would “not see the light of day” because, he said, it is unconstitutional. “We are not worried about the vote on this law,” Mr. Askari said.

The vote came after weeks of protests in the Sunni-dominated province of Anbar resulted in violence on Friday, when the Shiite-led government’s security forces opened fire, leaving at least seven protesters in Falluja dead.

Dueling scenes that played out on Saturday — the hundreds of mourners who hoisted the coffins of dead protesters in the streets of Falluja and the lawmakers in Baghdad who cast votes in an attempt to limit the power of the prime minister — encapsulated the prevailing features of Iraqi public life after the long and costly American war: sectarianism, violence and political dysfunction.

Both events nudged Iraq further along the path of political instability before provincial elections in April, which will be the first test of Iraq’s fragile democracy at the voting booth since the departure of American forces at the end of 2011.

On Saturday, a curfew that had gone into effect on Friday in Falluja was lifted and, as the army withdrew from the city, one soldier was killed by sniper fire and another was wounded, according to a security official in Anbar. As mourners in Falluja shouted, “The blood of our people will not be lost in vain,” protesters set fire to an army checkpoint.

During the clashes on Friday, two soldiers were killed, and later three off-duty soldiers were kidnapped by gunmen and remained missing on Saturday, according to The Associated Press.

Mr. Maliki earned his second term as prime minister after a divisive political struggle and inconclusive elections in 2010, and it is not clear if he intends to seek a third term in 2014, when the next parliamentary elections are scheduled.

Last year, rivals unsuccessfully sought to oust Mr. Maliki from power through a vote of no confidence in Parliament.

By Yasir Ghazi and Tim Arango
New York Times

Yasir Ghazi reported from Baghdad, and Tim Arango from Istanbul.

Assyrian International News Agency